The case for a matricentric cultural past
Why did I dream up a fictional world where women control, manage, and create nearly every aspect of human society? Was it all in my mind? Or do history and anthropological study suggest precedent?
First, let’s get a few terms straight in our minds.
Now let’s consider these definitions:
• Matriarchal Family:
- A family organized with the mother or senior mother as the formal and functional head, especially when this is according to custom.
- A family that is ruled by a senior woman and organized according to matrilineal descent, especially when this is according to custom. Matrilocal residence is sometimes also an expected feature of a matriarchal family.
• Matriarchalism:
- Belief that in a social unit — such as a state, business, or family — a female should lead, except, perhaps, where no willing or qualified female is available or where that social unit is made up of men only.
- Implementation of such a belief in practice.
What others have to say about it
With that much terminology as a basis for discussion, let’s see what the authorities have told us about matricentric cultures. The selections below are by no means exhaustive—they’re not even extensive. But maybe after a quick look you’ll get an idea of how out-of-whack our current Western patriarchal culture has become over the long run. Yes, patriarchy may define our lives today, but it is not the only view to cross the human horizon.
• From Genevieve Vaughan’s report of Shansan Du’s presentation, Thoughts on the Congress on Matriarchies, 2005
Four different types of matriarchies.
- matricentric: a culture that highlights the maternal through symbolism and elevates the maternal above male. It is assymetrical but does not involve dominance. It is a variation of
- gender complementarity: Here core values are placed on gender reciprocity, where genders are seen as drastically different but complementary. Cooperation is emphasized. Examples are the Ashanti, the Dahomey and the pre colonial Ibos in Nigeria.
- gender triviality: here gender is made insignificant through gender blindness. These cultures value both autonomy and sharing/nurturing. Examples are Vanatinai Islanders of New Guinea, Aka of West Congo and Akanabe of Japan.
- gender unity: (this is the one Vaughan studied most) These cultures minimize symbolic sex differences by incorporating both. Equality is fostered in the unity of the two sexes. Her main example is the Lahu people of the Tibetan highlands near China. They have twin gods depicted as joined entities Both men and women share identity. They are defined as adults only when they marry and become 2 entities in one. Singles are shamed. The husband is the midwife at the birth. Both man and woman are called the ‘master of the household’. There are 3 pairs of village leader couples. Parental spirits are also seen in pairs. They also have a paired male and female Buddha.”
• From Paula Gunn Allen, The Sacred Hoop, Recovering the Feminine in American Indian Traditions Open Road Media, March 3, 2015 (emphasis mine)
Traditional tribal lifestyles as “more often gynocratic than not, and…never patriarchal,” and refers to American Indian social systems as based on “ritual, spirit-centered, woman-focused worldviews”: Some distinguishing features of a woman-centered social system include free and easy sexuality and wide latitude in personal styles. This latitude means that a diversity of people, including gay males and lesbians, are not denied and are in fact likely to be accorded honor. Also likely to be prominent in such systems are nurturing, pacifist, and passive males (as defined by western minds) and self-defining, assertive, decisive women. In many tribes, the nurturing male constitutes the ideal adult model for boys while the decisive, self-directing female is the ideal model to which girls aspire. The organization of individuals into a wide-ranging field of allowable styles creates the greatest possible social stability because it includes and encourages a variety of personal expression for the good of the group.
In tribal gynocratic systems a multitude of personality and character types can function positively within the social order because the systems are focused on social responsibility rather than on privilege, and on the realities of the human constitution rather than on denial-based social fictions to which human beings are compelled to conform by powerful individuals with the society.
Tribal gynocracies prominently feature even distribution of goods among all members of the society on the grounds that First Mother enjoined cooperation and sharing on all her children.
One of the major distinguishing characteristics of gynocratic cultures is the absence of punitiveness as a means of social control. Another is the inevitable presence of meaningful concourse with supernatural beings.
Among gynocractic or gynocentric tribal peoples the welfare of the young is paramount, the complementary nature of all life forms is stressed, and the centrality of powerful women to social well-being is unquestioned. (Introduction, pp. 2-3)
• From Joseph Campbell, The Masks of God: Occidental Mythology Vol.3. 1964, Viking Press, New York p. 21-2 (emphasis mine)
• From Marija Gimbutas, The Goddesses and Gods of Old Europe. 1974, Univ. of California Press, Berkeley p. 196.
“As a supreme Creator who creates from her own substance [Inanna] is the primary goddess of the Old European pantheon. In this she contrasts with the Indo-European Earth-Mother, who is the impalpable sacred earth-spirit and is not in herself a creative principle; only through the interaction of the male sky-god does she become pregnant.”
[Gimbutas’s “Kurgan” people gave me the idea for the two waves of Sumer’s proto-historical invaders; Nords first, but without horses which they might have lost so far from northern Europe; secondly, the “Kurg” horde knocking on Nippur’s door. Both fictional presences posed serious threats to the established matricentric regime.]
• “The Proto- or Early Indo-Europeans, whom I have labelled “Kurgan” people, arrived from the east, from southern Russia, on horseback. Their first contact with the borderland territories of Old Europe in the Lower Dnieper region and west of the Black Sea began around the middle of the 5th millennium B. C. A continuous flow of influences and people into east-central Europe was initiated which lasted for two millennia. …”
“The materials of the Volga-Ural [region] and beyond the Caspian Sea prior to the 7th millennium B.C. are, so far, not sufficient for ethnographic interpretation. More substantive evidence emerges only around 5000 B C. We can begin to speak of “Kurgan people” when they conquered the steppe…north of the Black Sea around 4500 B.C. …”
“No weapons except implements for hunting are found among grave goods in Europe until c. 4500-4300 B.C., nor is there evidence of hilltop fortification of Old European settlements. The gentle agriculturalists, therefore, were easy prey to the warlike Kurgan horsemen who swarmed down upon them. These invaders were armed with thrusting and cutting weapons; long dagger-knives, spears, halberds, and bows and arrows. …”
“The Kurgan tradition became manifest in Old European territories during three waves of infiltration: I at c. 4400-4300 B.C., II at c. 3500 B. C., and III soon after 3000 B.C. …”
“The livelihood and mobility of the Kurgan people depended on the domesticated horse, in sharp contrast to the Old European agriculturalists to whom the horse was unknown. Pastoral economy, growing herds of large animals, horse riding, and the need for male strength to control the animals must have contributed to the transition from matrism to armored patrism in southern Russia and beyond at the latest around 5000 B.C.” (Gimbutas, Marija (1991) The Civilization of the Goddess. Harper: S. F. p. 352)
• From William Irwin Thompson, The Time Falling Bodies Take To Light, 1996 St. Martin’s Griffin, New York pp. 196-7. (Emphasis mine.)
• From Chris Knight, Blood Relations, 1995, Yale Univ. Press, New Haven p. 222.
Hence Uruna’s Story Premise
The belief system and its practice into which I’ve plunged readers of the Sumerian Chronicles has both human precedent and cultural significance. Whether it is grounded in actual Sumerian fact cannot be proven for lack of any translatable written record from that time (ca. 3,200 BC). Not long afterward, a truly patriarchal system took hold and persisted throughout Sumerian history and beyond.
Your Choice
Thus I leave it to my readers to discern and decide for themselves the plausibility of a benign rule by women, a nurturing spoken lore that might be forever lost to the clay annals portraying kingly boasts of victory, death, and destruction.